The politics of what works in tackling chronic poverty

Studies show civil society of limited impact on pro-poor policies

Publication date: Saturday 28 July 2007

The following "Extract taken from Chronic Poverty Research Centre (CPRC) Policy Brief 5" appears on page 11 of the ODI's 2007 Annual Report:

Civil society organisations do not emerge as critical to the
uptake of pro-poorest policies, although they may play a
valuable role in forming a constituency of support for policies
and ensuring accountability in implementation.

The text in full is:

The role that politics plays in shaping efforts towards
poverty reduction has received growing recognition within
international development over the past decade, from the "good
governance"; agenda to attempts to encourage the formation of
"developmental states". Nonetheless, there is as yet little firm
evidence concerning what sorts of political systems or practices might be more likely to produce pro-poor outcomes. By focusing on the politics of "what works";, i.e. on policies and programmes that have been successful in terms of reducing extreme forms of poverty, a study undertaken by CPRC has sought to shed light in
this area. Although the first finding is that context matters " it is
difficult to find any general conclusions that can offer adequate explanations for every success" it is possible to draw out some general tendencies regarding the key dimensions of politics that have shaped some successful examples of poverty reduction.

Events matter.
The "politics of crisis" -- moments of political
upheaval where elites need to respond to new pressures
-- can provide more fertile ground than "politics as usual";
for the introduction of pro-poor policies. These cannot be
manufactured, but need to be monitored and responded to.

Building sustainable programmes of support for the poorest
groups involves extending the "political contract" between
states and citizens. Many social protection programmes are
characterised by new or renewed acknowledgements of state
responsibility for previously excluded citizens (e.g. social
pensions in South Africa, Namibia).

Donor agencies need to: identify emerging political contracts;
crucially, avoid undermining them; and support them where
possible. This will require the stronger use of political and
historical analysis, and better engagement with political
society and broad national discourses.

Elections might be opportunities to re-draw such contracts.
However, the quality of political institutions is critical.
Dominant political parties operating in non-fragmentary
political systems were often vital to success in our cases.

Civil society organisations do not emerge as critical to the
uptake of pro-poorest policies, although they may play a
valuable role in forming a constituency of support for policies
and ensuring accountability in implementation.

Certain policies that reach the poorest rely on productive
synergies with patron-client forms of politics, suggesting that
trade-offs between the priorities of "good governance" and
poverty reduction may need to be considered.

There is little evidence that programmes targeted at the
chronically poor are politically unsustainable.Existing policies can provide fertile grounds on which to
promote new and expanded poverty reduction initiatives,
even where they have discriminatory or colonial roots and
need reform (e.g. the social pension in South Africa).

Within government, social sector ministries often provide
a 'natural'; home for pro-poorest policies, but require the
political backing of key ministries (e.g. finance, planning).

Ideas about poverty matter. Elites need to be convinced that
the poor face significant constraints requiring public action.


Related links:

Full publication available at:

http://www.odi.org.uk/annual_report/ar2007/holmes_social_protection.pdf


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